This article argues that the Marxist revolutionary group Shining Path in Peru was a fabricated entity, part of a larger scheme by ruling elites, referred to as Phoenicians, to control opposition movements. The author, Miles Mathis, claims that Marxism itself was created to disrupt genuine republican movements. He analyzes the alleged origins of Shining Path, focusing on its leader Abimael Guzman, whose surname he links to a long lineage of powerful, allegedly Jewish figures in South America and Spain. Mathis scrutinizes Guzman’s background, his family connections, and the purported circumstances of his arrest and trials, suggesting they were staged. He also questions the legitimacy of San Cristobal University, where Guzman was allegedly recruited, proposing it was a front. The article extends this critique to other alleged Marxist movements and contemporary protests, like Black Lives Matter, claiming they are similarly manufactured to pacify genuine public dissent and maintain elite control. The author concludes by framing life as a test of individual integrity, urging readers to reject corruption and strive for personal virtue rather than seeking to overthrow external powers.
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The article argues that Shining Path was a fake Marxist group in Peru that began around 1980. According to the mainstream narrative, it was founded by university professors and wealthy college students, many of whom were women. The group allegedly went underground and militarized, and, despite being leftist, targeted unionists and peasants for murder. The author, Miles Mathis, dismisses this narrative as illogical. He points to a photograph of the group as appearing staged.
Mathis begins his analysis by examining Wikipedia, noting red flags. He identifies Abimael Guzman as the leader of Shining Path, stating that “Guzman” is a Jewish name and drawing a parallel to Joaquin Guzman (also known as El Chapo). He claims “Guzman” is a Spanish version of “Gussmann” and connects them to Levys and Perez (linking to Peron/Pereira). Abimael Guzman’s father was a rich merchant who won the national lottery, which Mathis suggests are rigged. His mother was a Reynoso, also identified as a Jewish name, linked to “Reyes” (kings) and the lion symbol. The article includes an aside listing various names associated with “lion” in different languages, such as Osama, Asad, Assad, Sher, Luan, Llew, Hari, Ari, and Areli.
Mathis asserts that the Guzmans have been prominent Phoenicians in South America for a long time. He cites Antonio Guzman Blanco, a dictator of Venezuela in the 1870s and 80s, who was preceded by President Julian Castro. Juan Crisostomo Falcon, another prominent Phoenician and Guzman’s general, is linked to Falconer/Faulkner and William Faulkner. Joaquin Crespo, another general and friend of Guzman, served as President from 1883-5. Guzman allegedly lived in Paris during this time. Crespo’s wife was a Parejo. Guzman had ties to the US and was called the “Illustrious American.” He is compared to Henry VIII and the French Revolutionaries for stealing property from the Catholic Church, becoming a billionaire and a Freemason. His brother-in-law, Manuel Antonio Matos, a billionaire Jew, was known as the richest man in Latin America and served as Minister of Finance. Matos attempted to overthrow Cipriano Castro’s government in Venezuela in 1903 but later helped install Juan Vicente Gomez, a frontman for bankers and the US.
The article also mentions Silvestre Guzman, President of the Dominican Republic during the Reagan era, who is from the same family. His wife, Renee Klang, was from Venezuela, and her mother, Judith Avelino, was from Brazil and also identified as having a Jewish name. Juan Jose Guzman, the first President of El Salvador in the 1840s, and Jose de Guzman, Viscount of San Rafael de la Angostura and Lieutenant Colonel, who pillaged islands in the Caribbean with his family, the Criollos, in the late 1700s, are also mentioned.
Going further back, the Guzmans were Dukes of Medina Sidonia in Spain. The 7th Duke commanded the Spanish Armada in the 16th century. He was also a Zuniga, Perez, Sotomayor (linking to Sonia Sotomayor, [[Supreme Court Justice]), and a descendant of King Ferdinand II of Aragon. The Dukes of Medina Sidonia were the wealthiest in Spain for centuries, originating from Alonzo Perez de Guzman, a 13th-century shipper and trader, considered part of the Phoenician Navy. These Guzmans had links to Toledo, suggesting they were Jewish. The last Duchess of Medina Sidonia and Princess of Montalban, Luisa Alvarez de Toledo y Maura, who identified as a Socialist and was a member of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party, is called the “Red Princess.” She is described as a closet Jew, fascist, and lesbian, marrying Lilian Dahlmann, a Jewish woman 20 years her junior, shortly before her death in 2008. The article links “Sidonia” to Sidon, an ancient Phoenician city, and “Medina” to Phoenician trade routes.
Gaspar de Guzman, Duke of Sanlucar and Count of Olivares, served as Prime Minister of Spain from 1621-43. His portrait by Velazquez is described as showing an “outsize nose.” Guzman is noted for over-extending Spain in wars, diminishing its dominance. He is credited with wishing to crush the “rising fake Protestant movement,” possibly representing Northern Phoenicians versus Southern Phoenicians. His defeat is attributed to Cardinal Richelieu of France. The conflict between Habsburgs and Bourbons is seen as a fatal mistake for Southern Phoenicians like the Medicis, allowing the Northern line (Stanley/Stuart/Jagiellon/Vasa/Cohen/Komnene) to prevail. The world is now allegedly run by the Northern line.
These Guzmans came to the New World in the early 1500s with the conquistador Nuno Beltran de Guzman, Governor of Nueva Gallicia (Mexico), who murdered natives and stole their possessions. In the next century, Luisa Guzman married King John IV, the first Braganza ruler of Portugal. Her sons became kings, and her daughter married Charles II of England. This period saw the Portuguese Empire reach its zenith, controlling parts of South America. Mathis notes the continued prominence of Guzmans there. Luis de Guzman, 9th Count of Alba de Liste, served as Viceroy of New Spain and Peru in the 1650s, pillaging for the Crown.
Mathis reiterates that a rich Peruvian named Abimael Guzman pretending to be a Marxist is not to be believed. Guzman was allegedly “recruited” by Dr. Efrain Morote Best, Rector of San Cristobal University. This university, according to Mathis, resembles CIA-front colleges like Hampshire, Evergreen State, Marlboro, Bennington, Prescott, UC Santa Cruz, and Naropa. San Cristobal University previously trained Catholic priests and reopened in 1959, almost immediately embracing Marxism and emitting an “Intelligence” aura. best, who was from wealth and privilege, became Rector in 1962, having entered as Vice-Rector at age 37, which Mathis finds unusual. best brought Guzman in that year. While Guzman was arrested and jailed, best was unaffected, despite Guzman being his protege.
best’s son, Osman Morote, became a leader of Shining Path. His Wikipedia page is described as nonsensical, detailing inconsistent prison sentences. Morote’s family remains prominent in Peru, with David Abraham Salazar Morote being the Governor of Apurimac until 2010. He leads the regional movement Frente Popular (Popular Front) Llapanchik, which Mathis views as a front for fascists.
San Cristobal University, though founded by the intellectual elite of Peru and purportedly for educating Andean Natives, quickly shifted its focus. Natives were not interested in fake Marxism. The first Rector, Fernando Pintado, a Navy Captain and former United Nations employee, lived in the US during WWII, linking to American influence. The Peace Corps also had a presence at the university, which Mathis calls another CIA front. The Revolutionary Student Front was organized by 1961, a development Mathis finds implausible for a new college in the hinterlands with a vocational curriculum. He notes that Morote Best’s appearance is also suspect.
Guzman’s later biography is also questioned. He was arrested at a ballet studio in 1992 with eight others. He allegedly possessed a computer with a register of revolutionary forces and weapons. After a three-day trial, he received a life sentence and was incarcerated at the naval base on San Lorenzo island. Mathis notes that for treason and mass murder, he should have received the death penalty, suggesting he was kept alive for public appearances. He publicly declared peace with the Peruvian government on October 1, 1993, after which 6,000 revolutionaries allegedly surrendered.
In 2003, an appeal led to new trials for 1,800 prisoners convicted of terrorism, resulting in the release of over 400. Guzman also received a second trial. At this trial, Shining Path members allegedly grandstanded, turning their backs on judges and giving revolutionary salutes. Guzman delivered a speech praising the Communist Party of Peru, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and the “people’s war.” Two judges recused themselves, and a third trial was ordered for 2005, resulting in another life sentence. In 2014, Guzman faced more charges, and on September 11, 2018, he was sentenced to life a third time.
One charge against Guzman was the Lucanamarca Massacre of 1983. The article claims Shining Path killed 69 people in Lucanamarca with machetes and axes, including children, pregnant women, and elderly individuals, after a local killing of one of their own. Mathis dismisses this due to its numerology, asserting the story was fabricated to discredit the left, revolutionaries, and democracy advocates, suggesting it portrays populist uprisings as devolving into senseless violence against their own supporters. He highlights that 50% of Shining Path were women, with 40% of leaders being women, to question the credibility of university women committing such atrocities.
Mathis insists that Marxism was invented in the 1840s by wealthy individuals like Marx, Engels, and Owens to infiltrate and destroy genuine republican movements. He argues that the Phoenician Navy has used this strategy for centuries, faking events and infiltrating enemies. Marxism has been their greatest invention, used worldwide as a cover for fascism in Russia and China, and as a replacement for republicanism elsewhere. Mathis claims that wherever a genuine popular uprising occurs against billionaires, Phoenician agents posing as Marxists infiltrate and take over, faking atrocities to discredit the movement. He asserts this is what happened in Peru and in many other countries, including the US.
The author believes this tactic is currently being used to control the Black Lives Matter movement and other protests, manufactured after the “Corona fake” to preempt a real uprising. He suggests these movements are designed to make people believe their government cares about black people, while it actually continues to build a police state. He predicts that if a real popular uprising emerges in the US, there will be an even greater level of deception, comparable to the events of the late 1960s and early 1970s, which included fake assassinations, the Black Panthers, Manson, Patty Hearst, the Chicago Eight, an impeachment, and fake serial killers. He warns against believing manufactured crises and urges readers to demand the return of stolen money.
Mathis states that he has “won” by separating himself from the “rulers of the Earth,” their history, ideas, science, and sexuality, having refused their corruption. He references Neil DeGrasse Tyson admitting that life is a test, which Mathis agrees with, but posits it’s a different kind of test on a different level. He explains that life on a “corrupt planet” is a test of one’s response to corruption. He claims that Phoenicians have the most difficult test as they are closest to the center of this corruption, tested by their own families. Those born further away are more fortunate.
Winning, according to Mathis, is not about wealth, power, or control, but about separating oneself from corrupt governors and governments and refusing to be corrupted. He believes overthrowing them is not the solution. Instead, one should focus on controlling one’s own response, doing good, spreading joy, and preventing harm to grow one’s spirit. His writings are not intended to spark revolution or overthrow the government, as governments must overthrow themselves. He emphasizes that individuals can only save themselves and that true victory lies in overthrowing one’s own worst impulses. He advises readers to make good decisions, stay sane and virtuous, and not fear death, which is less terrible than living with one’s own corruption.