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collins2

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The author, Miles Mathis, argues that Irish independence, particularly the story of Michael Collins, is largely a manufactured narrative, implying that Ireland never truly achieved independence and that many key Irish figures were British agents. Mathis, who has Malloy heritage from Galway, expresses a deep personal connection to Ireland and a belief that its historical narrative has been distorted. He points to the convenient loss of archives in the Customs House fire during the Irish Civil Wars as a major red flag, suggesting that much of Ireland’s history, including its 20th-century struggles, was created recently by unknown entities.

Mathis questions the plausibility of Britain allowing Ireland independence when it did not grant it to Scotland, and argues that Ireland did not fight a major war of independence to warrant such a concession. He dismisses the 1919 War of Independence as fabricated, a conflict between different factions of the British themselves, with minimal actual casualties. He further contends that Britain would not have relinquished Ireland due to exhaustion after centuries of conflict, especially given Ireland’s valuable resources.

The author highlights an article from big-lies.org (reprinted from indymedia.ie) suggesting that Michael Collins’ death was a suicide, which Mathis believes is genuine and supports his theory that Collins and other prominent Irish leaders were British agents. He posits that Collins’ death was faked to retire him due to his cover being blown, possibly relocating him to London, the US, or Germany.

Mathis presents Denis O’Neill, identified as the supposed killer of Collins, as a British agent. The fact that O’Neill was granted a British Army pension and provided information about the Igoe Gang (part of British Army Intelligence) to the IRA is seen as contradictory and further evidence of a conspiracy. Mathis also notes Collins’ familial ties to Fitzgerald, Murray, and potentially Stanley, Stuart, and Grubb families, suggesting a deep-rooted connection to the British establishment. He links the Murray family to King Dermot McMurrough and Adam Murray, who invited English forces into Ireland and Protestant armies to Derry, respectively.

The author also scrutinizes the roles of W. B. Yeats and Lady Gregory, labeling them as British agents who ran Ireland for the British. He describes Yeats’s association with Maude Gonne as a cover for his potential homosexuality, and criticizes his nationalism as performative and driven by British interests. Mathis points out that Yeats later composed marching songs for the fascist Blueshirts, further cementing his disloyalty to Ireland.

Mathis further connects Michael Collins’ grandnieces, Nora Owen and Mary Banotti, to Fine Gael, which he claims originated from the Blueshirts and were former British agents. He also delves into Collins’ early life, suggesting his education at King’s College, London, and his work for Guaranty Trust (J. P. Morgan’s bank) before returning to Ireland for the Easter Rising were strategically placed. His role as aide-de-camp to Joseph Plunkett and financial advisor to Count George Noble Plunkett is also highlighted, pointing to the Plunkett family’s aristocratic and potentially Jesuit affiliations.

The banner of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) is presented as a Jesuit banner, suggesting a Jesuit influence on the movement. Mathis links the Phoenix National and Literary Society to Jeremiah Donovan Rossa, claiming “Rossa” is a nod to Rosicrucianism rather than Rossmore. He argues that Rossa’s swift release from prison after being jailed for treason was fabricated. Thomas Clarke Luby is also identified as an IRB founder with ties to Trinity College, Dublin and The Nation, a “fake nationalist newspaper.” Mathis criticizes the IRB for attacking Catholicism, seeing it as a tactic of division, similar to Marxists.

He asserts that the IRB’s offices were located conveniently close to Dublin Castle, the hub of British agents, and that its editor, John O’Leary, was brought from London. James Stephens and Charles Kickham’s early releases from jail are also presented as evidence of fabricated events.

Mathis then turns his attention to Éamon de Valera, questioning his origins and suggesting he is of Marrano descent. He notes de Valera’s name changes to appear more Irish and his rapid rise to power, implying the Dáil Éireann was packed with British agents. He criticizes de Valera’s trip to the US during the War of Independence as abandoning the conflict.

Mathis also questions the authenticity of photographs of Joseph Plunkett and Michael Collins, deeming them paste-ups. He links Plunkett to Belvedere College and Roger Casement, whom he also claims was part of a fabricated execution to instill fear. Mathis suggests the alleged shooting of Royal Constabularies (RIC) provided the pretext for the Black and Tans to terrorize Ireland.

Finally, Mathis dismisses accounts from sources like Wikipedia and Encyclopedia Britannica as “historical fiction” and too implausible to continue reading. He adds a footnote about Sinead O’Connor’s name changes and perceived Jewish and later Muslim affiliations as further evidence of an agenda. Another footnote directs readers to a more revealing Geni profile for Michael Collins that has allegedly been scrubbed.

Summary with Marked Entities:

The author, Miles Mathis, argues that Irish independence, particularly the story of Michael Collins, is largely a manufactured narrative, implying that Ireland never truly achieved independence and that many key Irish figures were British agents. Mathis, who has Malloy heritage from Galway, expresses a deep personal connection to Ireland and a belief that its historical narrative has been distorted. He points to the convenient loss of archives in the Customs House fire during the Irish Civil Wars as a major red flag, suggesting that much of Ireland’s history, including its 20th-century struggles, was created recently by unknown entities.

Mathis questions the plausibility of Britain allowing Ireland independence when it did not grant it to Scotland, and argues that Ireland did not fight a major war of independence to warrant such a concession. He dismisses the 1919 War of Independence as fabricated, a conflict between different factions of the British themselves, with minimal actual casualties. He further contends that Britain would not have relinquished Ireland due to exhaustion after centuries of conflict, especially given Ireland’s valuable resources.

The author highlights an article from big-lies.org (reprinted from indymedia.ie) suggesting that Michael Collins’ death was a suicide, which Mathis believes is genuine and supports his theory that Collins and other prominent Irish leaders were British agents. He posits that Collins’ death was faked to retire him due to his cover being blown, possibly relocating him to London, the US, or Germany.

Mathis presents Denis O’Neill, identified as the supposed killer of Collins, as a British agent. The fact that O’Neill was granted a British Army pension and provided information about the Igoe Gang (part of British Army Intelligence) to the IRA is seen as contradictory and further evidence of a conspiracy. Mathis also notes Collins’ familial ties to Fitzgerald, Murray, and potentially Stanley, Stuart, and Grubb families, suggesting a deep-rooted connection to the British establishment. He links the Murray family to King Dermot McMurrough and Adam Murray, who invited English forces into Ireland and Protestant armies to Derry, respectively.

The author also scrutinizes the roles of W. B. Yeats and Lady Gregory, labeling them as British agents who ran Ireland for the British. He describes Yeats’s association with Maude Gonne as a cover for his potential homosexuality, and criticizes his nationalism as performative and driven by British interests. Mathis points out that Yeats later composed marching songs for the fascist Blueshirts, further cementing his disloyalty to Ireland.

Mathis further connects Michael Collins’ grandnieces, Nora Owen and Mary Banotti, to Fine Gael, which he claims originated from the Blueshirts and were former British agents. He also delves into Collins’ early life, suggesting his education at King’s College, London, and his work for Guaranty Trust (J. P. Morgan’s bank) before returning to Ireland for the Easter Rising were strategically placed. His role as aide-de-camp to Joseph Plunkett and financial advisor to Count George Noble Plunkett is also highlighted, pointing to the Plunkett family’s aristocratic and potentially Jesuit affiliations.

The banner of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) is presented as a Jesuit banner, suggesting a Jesuit influence on the movement. Mathis links the Phoenix National and Literary Society to Jeremiah Donovan Rossa, claiming “Rossa” is a nod to Rosicrucianism rather than Rossmore. He argues that Rossa’s swift release from prison after being jailed for treason was fabricated. Thomas Clarke Luby is also identified as an IRB founder with ties to Trinity College, Dublin and The Nation, a “fake nationalist newspaper.” Mathis criticizes the IRB for attacking Catholicism, seeing it as a tactic of division, similar to Marxists.

He asserts that the IRB’s offices were located conveniently close to Dublin Castle, the hub of British agents, and that its editor, John O’Leary, was brought from London. James Stephens and Charles Kickham’s early releases from jail are also presented as evidence of fabricated events.

Mathis then turns his attention to Éamon de Valera, questioning his origins and suggesting he is of Marrano descent. He notes de Valera’s name changes to appear more Irish and his rapid rise to power, implying the Dáil Éireann was packed with British agents. He criticizes de Valera’s trip to the US during the War of Independence as abandoning the conflict.

Mathis also questions the authenticity of photographs of Joseph Plunkett and Michael Collins, deeming them paste-ups. He links Plunkett to Belvedere College and Roger Casement, whom he also claims was part of a fabricated execution to instill fear. Mathis suggests the alleged shooting of Royal Constabularies (RIC) provided the pretext for the Black and Tans to terrorize Ireland.

Finally, Mathis dismisses accounts from sources like Wikipedia and Encyclopedia Britannica as “historical fiction” and too implausible to continue reading. He adds a footnote about Sinead O’Connor’s name changes and perceived Jewish and later Muslim affiliations as further evidence of an agenda. Another footnote directs readers to a more revealing Geni profile for Michael Collins that has allegedly been scrubbed.

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