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The article Miles Mathis argues that bail companies are being exploited by large investment groups like Blackrock and Fidelity to maximize profits, leading to increased and more expensive bail. The author claims that approximately 70% of those in jail have not been charged with a crime, and a significant portion of them pay bail that is never refunded, even if they are not convicted. The author also highlights a racial disparity, stating that Blacks pay 84% of bail in the country.

According to Miles Mathis, legislatures have begun to address this issue, prompting a pushback from these investment groups. The author asserts that a fake stabbing incident in Monsey in December 2019 was a tactic to counter bail reform. When that failed, the author claims “fake riots” are now being orchestrated across the country. These riots, in Mathis’s view, serve multiple purposes: increasing fear, creating racial tension, distracting from the “corona hoax” and treasury theft, and advancing the “bail game.”

To support this, Miles Mathis references an article from theringer.com titled “It Changes Who Has the Power: How Bail Funds Across the Country Are Responding to Protests,” which was promoted on Getpocket. This article discusses the Nashville Community Bail Fund (NCBF), a “non-profit” that collects donations to bail out individuals. The author contends that despite being locally non-profit, the NCBF profits are ultimately benefiting large bail companies.

The author casts doubt on the legitimacy of the NCBF by questioning the existence of one of its organizers, Rahim Buford. Mathis claims that searches on Intelius and Instantcheckmate fail to find a Rahim Buford in Tennessee, but rather an Abdullah Rahim in Madison, TN with a relative named Ronniecia Buford. Mathis suggests these search sites have been linked, possibly in response to his writings.

The article further points to an alleged significant increase in donations to the NCBF, from 50,000 in 72 hours, which the author interprets as a 15,000% profit for the bail companies. This pattern is alleged to be occurring with over 100 bail funds nationwide, collectively collecting increased donations. The author dismisses the idea that paying bail shifts power to communities, arguing it only enriches “big bail companies.”

The Minnesota Freedom Fund (MFF) is also scrutinized. Miles Mathis states it collected 150. Mathis claims the MFF website provides no information about its founders, management, or oversight. He speculates it could be a CIA front and dismisses celebrity donations as fabricated, viewing celebrities and the media as liars.

Further investigation into the MFF by Miles Mathis reveals an empty “Staff and Board” page. The executive director, Tonya Honsey, is described as a former drug addict, pusher, and convicted thief, who is also appointed to the State Sentencing Guidelines Commission. Honsey is linked to George Soros as a “Soros Justice Fellow” by the Open Society Foundations. Miles Mathis believes this connects the MFF to large investment groups, assuming Soros (real name Schwartz Gyorgy, a “Hungarian Jew”) funds grants from institutions like the University of Minnesota, including the Acara Challenge. Mathis criticizes Soros as a fascist disguised as a liberal, whose aim is top-down control.

Miles Mathis also claims George Soros has a criminal record, citing a conviction for insider trading in France in 2006 and alleging a 1992 “heist” involving shorting the pound with alleged help from the UK government.

The founder of MFF is identified as Simon David Cecil, also described as “Jewish.” Wikipedia is noted for its “blatant numerology” regarding the number 33 of people bailed out in 2017. Miles Mathis draws possible connections between Simon Cecil and historical figures like the 1st Earl of Salisbury (with a red beard) and Lord David Cecil, suggesting a link to the Gore family through Al Gore, who is called a “Soros protege” and “Sugar Daddy” by The Washington Times.

The Board President at MFF is named as Gregory Pearce Lewin, also described as “Jewish” and seemingly young for the role. Miles Mathis notes the Lewin name’s presence in the peerage and connections to the Merchant Taylors, Spencers, and Queen through the Webbs. He suspects Lewin and Cecil are “kid fronts” for the operation and speculates they are connected to investment groups like Blackrock.

The article delves into Simon Cecil’s possible familial connections, noting a marriage in 1924 into the Vanderbilt clan, linking to Marquess of Exeter, Mary Tyssen-Amherst, Margaret Mitford (whose cousin was a friend of Hitler), and Fritz Thyssen (a bankroller of Hitler). Cornelia Vanderbilt is identified as the daughter of George Washington Vanderbilt II, grandson of Cornelius Vanderbilt, from Staten Island, NY, and Biltmore, NC. Intelius reportedly lists Simon David Cecil as 37, related to Lawrence, Noah, and Wilson Cecil, and Debra Bruce. Instantcheckmate places him in San Salvador. The name Debra Bruce is considered interesting due to potential noble/royal connections like Robert the Bruce.

Greg Lewin’s MyLife.com page reportedly states he is from Wilmington, DE, another alleged CIA HQ, and lists connections to Saunders, Abdul Ali, Carmelo Cannuli, William E. Stewart (77), Kleinstein, Cabrera, Stephanie A. Frey (51), and Lori Bruce. Miles Mathis questions if Bruce links Lewin to Simon Cecil and if Frey links to Minneapolis Mayor Frey. The author concludes by expressing suspicion about the prevalence of Jewish individuals in controlling these alleged “cons.”